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Thursday, August 10, 2023

Manufacturing Moving Out Of China For Friendlier Shores | The Problem With ‘Why Do People Live in Phoenix?’ | President Erdogan wants to make nice with the West, on his terms

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The Problem With 'Why Do People Live in Phoenix?' - The Atlantic   

In Phoenix, a high of 108 degrees Fahrenheit now somehow counts as a respite. On Monday, America’s hottest major city ended its ominous streak of 31 straight days in which temperatures crested past 110. The toll of this heat—a monthly average of 102.7 degrees in July—has been brutal. One woman was admitted to a hospital’s burn unit after she fell on the pavement outside her home, and towering saguaros have dropped arms and collapsed. Over the past month, hospitals filling up with burn and heat-stroke victims have reached capacities not seen since the height of the pandemic.

“Why would anyone live in Phoenix?” You might ask that question to the many hundreds of thousands of new residents who have made the Arizona metropolis America’s fastest-growing city. Last year, Maricopa County, where Phoenix sits, gained more residents than any other county in the United States—just as it did in 2021, 2019, 2018, and 2017.

At its core, the question makes a mystery of something that isn’t a mystery at all. For many people, living in Phoenix makes perfect sense. Pleasant temperatures most of the year, relatively inexpensive housing, and a steady increase in economic opportunities have drawn people for 80 years, turning the city from a small desert outpost of 65,000 into a sprawling metro area of more than 5 million. Along the way, a series of innovations has made the heat seem like a temporary inconvenience rather than an existential threat for many residents. Perhaps not even a heat wave like this one will change anything.

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President Erdogan wants to make nice with the West, on his terms - The Economist   

LESS THAN three months ago, Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, was accusing America of conspiring to topple his government, talking up his “special relationship” with Russia, and threatening to prevent Sweden from entering NATO. Today, after an unexpectedly easy victory in his country’s presidential elections in May, he is making eyes at the West. Mr Erdogan has promised to wave through Sweden’s accession to NATO, which he has been blocking for nearly a year, has stepped up his support for Ukraine by openly backing that country’s own dreams of membership in the alliance, and has called on the European Union to resume accession talks with Turkey. He has also courted Western investors by shelving his disastrous policy of lowering interest rates in the face of rising inflation.

The recent moves have already begun to pay dividends for Turkey. America seems poised to sell it $20bn-worth of F-16 warplanes and upgrade kits, a deal previously held up by Congress. Joe Biden, the American president, may soon welcome Mr Erdogan, whom he has repeatedly snubbed, to the White House. He and other NATO leaders are also looking to the Turkish strongman to convince Vladimir Putin to reopen the Black Sea to Ukrainian grain exports; a deal negotiated by Turkey to let food exports out, has been halted by Mr Putin since July 17th. Mr Erdogan may have a chance to do so later this month, when the Russian dictator is expected in Turkey. Even the EU has made noises about “re-engaging” with Turkey.

But Mr Erdogan’s overtures, which are more tactical than strategic, and born mostly of economic necessity, do not amount to a reset. European diplomats play down any chances of a genuine rapprochement as long as Mr Erdogan continues to bully and lock up his critics, to allow corruption to thrive, and to suborn state institutions. Turkey’s leader sees no need to tackle or even to acknowledge any of the above difficulties. “Turkey has no problems with democracy, rights and freedoms,” he said at a recent NATO summit in Lithuania.

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